General K.S. Thimayya Memorial Lecture by Shri Gopal K. Pillai, Union Home Secretary and Secretary (Justice) at the Bishop Cotton Boys School, Bangalore on 31st October, 2009.

Colonel John Ellis, Principal of Bishop Cotton Boys’ School, Bangalore, Family members of late General K.S. Thimayya, Patrons, former Speakers, Trustees, Cottonians, Distinguished ladies and gentlemen.

I am indeed honoured and happy to be back at Bishop Cottons. I am even more honoured that I have been invited today to deliver the General K.S. Thimayya Memorial Lecture on India’s Internal Security : Challenges and Responses. The late General K.S. Thimayya’s life has always been inspiration to all Indians. His courage and daring was well known. His tactical brilliance in combat during the Burma operations, and in rescuing refugees along with the Punjab Boundary Force has been widely acclaimed. His brilliant tactical manures during what is now considered to be the first Kargil war in 1948 helped save Kargil for India. I have no hesitation in stating that his tactical brilliance and innovation are not only a source of inspiration but also something from which we all need to learn from even today. I can recall no better tribute than that of Field Marshal S.H.F.J Manekshaw, MC when asked, in his opinion, who had been the best General of the Indian Army stated “Timmy, of course”. And his word is the last word in the Indian Army.

I have been asked to speak on India’s Internal Security: Challenges and Responses. India’s internal security challenges arise from both its history and the evolution of democracy. The present internal security situation has its history in the formation of the Indian Union and the failure of the Indian democratic process to suitably take care of those marginalized as Indian democracy and the Indian state evolved over the years. If one looks at it this way then the internal security situation can broadly be classified under three major heads:

(i) Externally sponsored threats (ii) Secessionist and ethnic identity issues (iii) Internal armed movements. Here, let me turn to my presentation on these issues.

To understand India’s security challenges, it is important to understand ‘the idea of India’. India today, in one sense, is a country at the cross-roads, with a significant minority having access to a high quality of education and opportunity, and enjoying a comfortable standard of living, while a substantial part of the country remains in poverty, malnutrition and lack of access to quality education and services.

The notion of India itself is primarily derived from a shared sense of history which includes a broad civilizational unity and a consensus evolved in the Constituent Assembly debates and cultural pluralism. The way forward was through recognition of individual rights and a program of accommodation and integration.

1947, therefore began with a simultaneous effort of State building and incorporation of a Westminster model of Government. There was an excessive faith in the State playing the role of arbiter in area of conflict between States and groups composed on ethnic, religious, caste, territorial and economic differentiation. Dominant groups managed to garner the major share of the development benefits. Today, these groups are now seeking to exercise control over the State, sometimes peacefully, at times through violence and pressure it to serve their special goals.

Our democratic roots were strengthened not only by holding elections, but also widening the gains for various groups in the political and economic spheres. As a result, over the past two decades, there has been a radical shift in the social combination of groups that traditionally held the reins of power.

The present situation displays a divisive agenda by certain elements in the polity to institutionalise the social order and instill a feeling of separation in the different sections of the population; by making them conscious of their origin and identity. There are also the disturbing trends of growth in the politics of intimidation and mobocracy. Increasing competitiveness among political parties and the all pervasive presence of media aggravates the situation.

Let me now come to the issue of governance because it is central to the issue of security. To the common man, governance is about the rule of law, and a stable, participatory form of Government. According to the UNDP, governance is “the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country’s affairs at all levels, comprising the mechanisms, processes and institutions through which that authority is directed.” The World Bank states that “good governance is central to creating and sustaining an environment which fosters strong and equitable development and it is an essential complement to sound economic policies.” Governance, therefore, includes:

Processes	-	like lobbying, grievance redressal, resource Allocation
Practices	-	like norms setting, rule making
Relationships	-	between State and society, ruler and the Ruled and
Structures	-	like Government, police, civil society extra governmental organizations

Some of the criteria for good governance are

(i)	Democratic institutions that are effective, accountable and transparent, an independent and fair judiciary.
(ii)	Law enforcement – with integrity that protects the people while strengthening their capacity to combat corruption
(iii)	Sound monetary, fiscal and trade policies that provide economic growth, equitable growth, social development and environmental protection.
(iv)	Participation by all members of the society in decisions that affect them.

The essence of these parameters is the assurance of “the greatest good of the greatest number.” This was also reflected in ancient Indian thinking.

The essence and the basis of the moral State depend on the triangle of those actions for governance which are undertaken for universal governance (Sarva Loka Kalyankari Karma), maintaining and protecting each and everyone in creation (Sarva Loka Sanghvahamevapi) and securing universal care for all and everyone (Sarva Hitay Ratah). The centre point of this triangle of the common good is determined by the term “happiness for all (Sarvejana Sukhinah Bhavantu).

You may wonder why I have dwelt at such length on the need for good governance. I think it is the key to internal security and whenever good governance has faltered, security problems have arisen. Legitimacy, participation and distribution are the hallmarks of good governance.

Issues of criminalization of politics, (the Vohra Committee report stated that the growing nexus between politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen and criminal elements has debilitated the State’s capacity to grapple effectively with threats to security.) Caste and communal politics, political marginalization of vulnerable sections, petty corruption, onslaught of globalization, erosion of institutions, leadership crisis, judicial reforms are all challenges that need to be addressed now and cannot be postponed any further, if we are to improve internal security in the country.

There are also other non-militancy threats to security which have also to be kept in mind. Prominent among them are

(i)	Population migration (Bangladeshis, Tamil, Bru, Chakmas, Kashmiri pundits)
(ii)	Environmental degradation (river pollution, toxic waste, unabated mining)
(iii)	Cyber terrorism
(iv)	Organized Crime
(v)	Fake Currency infusion
(vi)	Climate change (looming water shortages)
(vii)	Pandemics (AIDS, Swine Flu)

India faces all these challenges and our capacity to fight each one of them is still poor. These call for new ideas and capacity building with which the Indian State is only coming slowly to grips with.

The lack of awareness and the lack of consensus on the understanding and strategy towards non-military challenges especially at the National and State levels is a major cause of concern.

The militancy and armed threats are perhaps the more easier to understand and to respond to. And this is what the Indian State has been primarily focusing on. This is essential, but not sufficient to tackle the entire gamut of internal security situations.

To tackle the militancy and armed threats both external and internal, the responses have been exhaustive and extensive. These include:

(a)	Strengthening of intelligence apparatus, including setting up of Multi Agency Centre to coordinate intelligence inputs
(b)	Setting up National Intelligence Grid
(c)	National Counter Terrorism Centre (on the anvil)
(d)	Setting up regional hubs of NSG at Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai and Hyderabad.
(e)	Setting up of Quick Reaction Teams.
(f)	Setting up of Counter Insurgency and Terrorism Schools for training security forces.
(g)	Sanctioning 29 new battalions of BSF, 38 new battalions of CRPF, 12 new battalions of ITBP.
(h)	Sanctioning of 145 no. of IRB in the States.
(i)	Modernising the State Police Force through better weapons, equipments, etc.
(j)	Augmenting Coastal security through purchase of high speed interceptor boats and issuing identity cards to all residents of coastal villages (ongoing).
(k)	Procurement of ALH helicopters for CPMFs
(l)	Safe Mega City policy
(m)	Setting up of National Investigation Agency
(n)	Strengthening State Police Forces and augmenting their capacity to tackle terrorism and armed movements, etc.
(o)	Media Management
(p)	Laying down Standard Operating Procedures for different situations

I must, however, state that in so far as the non-militancy challenges like governance, population migration, etc. are concerned, the response has been much slower. Our ability to deal with internal security challenges highlighted in the presentation will depend on how quickly the Indian State, polity and civil society can together get its act together on the non-militancy challenges. These are the ‘soft responses’ and like the software in any electronic equipment, more critical than the hardware (the military or armed response) which is taken as the soft way out but only postpone the inevitable day of reckoning.

I have, however, absolute faith in our democratic system and our ability to find solutions even if it is a little delayed. This reflects the basic integration of democratic traditions and the rule of law into our fundamental beliefs. We just need more participation from our citizens who have to realize that their increased participation in all forms of social and democratic activities enhances our democracy and is necessary, if not always readily appreciated by the State.

To view the power point presentation, please click here:
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